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Seeds of Unrest: Farmer Protests and Vote Bank Politics

Aadesh Gupta

Indian Agriculture:

India’s incumbent, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), is no stranger to contention. While their tenure is defined chiefly by significant economic growth and socio-religious issues, other policy decisions by the BJP have also invited extensive debate. From demonetising 86% of the country’s currency (1) to introducing electoral bonds for political donations (2), some see these as audacious; some, reckless.

Still, the backlash was not enough for the BJP to withdraw from their positions, until 2020. The party proposed three farm bills that would allow direct exchange between farmers and buyers by abolishing an enduring tradition of middlemen (3). On one hand, this was sold as a pro-growth move that would unshackle India’s agricultural sector and bring prosperity. On the other, rural communities felt that this let corporate vultures loose, thereby jeopardising their bargaining power and livelihood.

So in response to these bills, Indian farmers organised the “Dilli Challo” (Let’s go to Delhi) movement, which is now known as the largest protest in world history. Tens of thousands participated, and over 250 million stood in solidarity around the country (4) - a clear depiction of strength in the kisan (farmer) identity among rural communities. In the end, the BJP bit the bullet and backpedalled on their reforms.

Only last month, farmers protested once again, this time demanding a guarantee on the Minimum Support Price (MSP), a price floor announced by the Indian government but not always enforced. And though this may seem like another struggle for welfare, the interference of political incentives muddies the water.

 

How Politics distorts Economics:

Government policies are innately political. Cynically put, politicians are first concerned with votes, then any notion of economic well-being. As elections approach, policymakers renounce long term prosperity for short term power, often engaging in myopic fiscal expansions to appease voters even if it necessitates austerity later on. 

This February in India (only a few months before the general election), farmers protested for a guarantee on the Minimum Support Price (MSP), a price floor for crops announced by the Indian government but not always enforced. Much like other government policies, MSP is equally a political tool as it is an economic one. Enforcing it wins farmer votes and appeases major lobbyists (5). It is, then, understandable why MSP is enforced in certain states but not others, with the former being likely more important to the central government.

This selective implementation of MSP varies not only by region, but also crops. In particular, the policy tends to favour India’s staple commodities, wheat and rice, over others (6), resulting in them overcrowding storage when the government procures them at MSP. Consequently, the excess is sold off to avoid wastage, resulting in downward pressure on crop prices and therefore nullifying the purpose of MSP as a “support price”. 

Such inefficiencies in MSP implementation validate recent farmer protests, but political parties can interfere with these as well. In particular, opposition parties may instigate protests against the incumbent to tarnish their reputation and swing voters their way (7). Interestingly, farmers protesting most fervently in India are from Punjab, a state known for its effective MSP implementation (8). On the other hand, states with worse MSP implementation, like Bihar or West Bengal, saw less protests. One would not expect states where policy is best implemented to protest the most. 

One explanation for this is farmer awareness of MSP. Punjab is known for its agricultural heritage, making MSP an important tradition for the state and therefore a popular policy among farmers. As a result, opposition parties may find it easier to stir up controversy of incumbents shirking in MSP enforcement within this demographic. Such political incentives obscure the purpose of welfare policies, turning them from safety nets into vote-bait. 

How Economics explains Politics:

Luckily, economics provides tools to help us better understand these political incentives. Consider a game theoretical approach to the above. There are 2 players: an incumbent party and any opposition. The incumbent can either choose to enforce the MSP, taking on a hefty cost yet winning farmer votes, or leave it be. The opposition can choose to steal farmer support from the incumbent by instigating protests, which also comes with a cost.

Below are two different games for this situation with payoffs interpreted as electoral gains and losses. The distinction is in the top left quadrant, where both parties play vote bank politics by taking their respective actions. Such a case is unpredictable; both parties are trying to win farmer support so electoral outcomes are ambiguous. Depending on the payoffs of this quadrant, the game changes.

Figure 1 shows a case where parties prefer to go all in and take their actions, resulting in a game called the Prisoner’s Dilemma. Here, the Nash equilibrium, a situation where no one prefers to change their move, is for both parties to take their actions. Alternatively, figure 2 is where parties prefer only to take a decision when their opponent chooses not to, resulting in the Chicken game. The Nash equilibrium here is unstable: both top right and bottom left are equally plausible outcomes when considering both parties. 

Screenshot 2024-07-21 at 22.29.40.png

The direction of payoffs in the top left quadrant can be attributed to the ‘severity’ of taking an action relative to its potential for electoral gain. For instance, if the opposition parties are guaranteed to instigate protests, the incumbent may prefer to enforce the MSP to match the political competition (Prisoner’s Dilemma). Conversely, the incumbent may believe that the fiscal strain of MSP implementation exceeds its electoral benefits, leaving it unenforced (Chicken Game). In the latter case, the incumbent may disregard the MSP as other strategies, such as identity politics, may be more effective in the short term. 

 

The models above examine the decision to enforce MSP. Yet, what’s equally as important is the MSP level. In regard to votes, what’s the optimal price floor at which the government should procure crops? A low MSP will repel rural voters, while a high MSP will boost food inflation and repel consumer voters. Appeasing both sides of the electorate via MSP, then, becomes a balancing game. 

 

We can model this using the Median Voter Theorem. Figure 3 orders all voters in India based on their preferred MSP level, from lowest (consumer voters) to highest (rural voters). However, there is some overlap between these two groups, especially when considering farmers as consumers. Within this overlap lies the median voter: the individual whom politicians aim to impress the most in order to maximise their votes. So, assuming that MSP is used as a political tool, the level of MSP is determined by the preference of the median voter. 

Screenshot 2024-07-21 at 22.30.32.png

With multiple strands of political exploitation weaving through food policy and farmer demonstrations, the complexities of India’s agricultural sector quickly become overwhelming. Yet, economics provides some clarity by revealing underlying incentives. With more work done beyond the current models, we can help curb the political manipulation of economic policy and associated protests.

References: 

1. Al Jazeera . India’s Supreme Court says 2016 demonetisation decision was legal. Al Jazeera . 2023.

2. Foreign Policy. India’s $7 Billion Election. Foreign Policy. 2019.

3. BusinessToday. What are farm bills, who are opposing and why - an explainer. BusinessToday. 2020.

4. Meesala, S. Farm to Table: The World’s Largest Protest in India. UAB Institute for Human Rights Blog. 2021.

5. Politics of Procurement and Price Support. Raghavan, M. 2004, Economic and Political Weekly , pp. 506-508.

6. Minimum Support Price in Agriculture . Chand, R. 3, s.l. : Economic and Political Weekly, 2003, Vol. 138.

7. Caste, Class, and Clientelism: A Political Economy of Everyday Corruption in Rural North India. Jeffrey, C. 1, s.l.: Economic Geography, 2002, Vol. 78, 21-42

8. Effectiveness of Minimum Support Price Policy for Paddy in India with a Case Study of Punjab. Ali, S. Z., Sidhu, R. S. & Vatta, K. 2, s.l.: Agricultural Economics Research Review, Vol. 25, 231-242

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